Hundreds of dead refugees on Europe’s shores on a single
day should give us cause to reflect on the basic principles of the European
asylum policy, but cynics would not be disappointed if they heard the responses
of our policy-makers today. “Can we do more? Sure, but that’s the member states’
responsibility,” says a spokesman of Home Affairs Commissioner Malmström. “Be
under no illusion,” he continues, “it is not realistic to think that every
tragedy, every death in the Mediterranean can be avoided. We are neither naïve nor
too idealistic.” Between 1993 and October 2012 there have been 17,306 documented refugee deaths along the borders of Europe. This week this is already
the second incident. Is it idealistic to think of a different Europe that does
everything in its power to save those lives? The mass grave that the
Mediterranean has become is the price that the European Union and its member
states are willing to pay to prevent refugees from ever crossing our borders.
Bulgaria's border with Turkey |
I have to say I did not mean to start this post like
this. The issue that I want to talk about is another, even though it is closely
related. Alex, me and our dog Napoleon have recently driven all the way to
Greece, crossing Romania and Bulgaria on the way. Although both countries have
been members of the EU for some time, we have had to show our ID-cards at the
border, as they have not been permitted to enter the Schengen Area. Last week it
has been France that has voiced its opposition the loudest, although Germany
has been equally vocal. Ever wondered why? Well, it seems that some journalists
have come to some very insightful conclusions on the matter. Reuters links it
to a supposed “new influx of immigrants if Romanian and Bulgarian citizens are
allowed to travel freely without passports in the Schengen zone.” France24 thinks
immediately of a potential Roma-issue, ignoring that the border between Romania
and Hungary poses no frontier to EU-citizens, which the Roma in question
clearly are. In reality the reason for the Franco-German veto is to be found
elsewhere, and it becomes quite apparent when one looks at the map of Europe.
At the moment, the Schengen Area has only one border with Turkey, via which a
large part of Europe’s irregular immigrations currently enter the EU, and that
border is with Greece. From Greece, one has to either take a ferry to Italy,
which is next to impossible for a refugee without being spotted, or one needs
to attempt crossing another border illegally. If Romania and Bulgaria were to
join Schengen, one could easily travel to the EU-core without the need for any
further hassle. Keeping Romania and Bulgaria out of Schengen avoids such a
scenario.
In 1996 Sarah Collinson wrote about the construction of a
European asylum buffer zone. In 2013, this buffer zone has, for the most part,
been realised. In this case, a buffer zone is created by the unfounded and
systematic exclusion of Romania and Bulgaria from the Schengen Area. Greece is thus
deliberately cut off from the mainland EU, preventing irregular migrants from
reaching the European core. The only way for irregular migrants into legality
is an asylum application, as regular immigration requires either a rich country’s
passport or a job in the EU with an income of over €60,000. If an asylum application
is finally submitted, the Dublin-Regulation establishes that in many cases an
asylum application needs to be handled by the member state of first entry into
the EU. To verify which member state that is, the fingerprints of every
irregular migrant are taken upon first contact with public officials. The idea
behind these rules is that if an immigrant is able to illegally enter a member
state’s territory, it is that same member state’s responsibility to deal with
them, and to finance and lodge them while their application is processed. If
you have an external border, you thus want to do everything in your power to
prevent asylum seekers from entering your territory. I have had this confirmed
by an official from within the Commission during my PhD research, whose name I
cannot give here. The European Commission says that it can do nothing, that it
is up to the member states to create a more humane asylum system. This is a
fallacy. The Dublin-Regulation, which the Commission itself has proposed, is in
part responsible for the ever-increasing fortification of the EU. The Dublin-system
has to end, and it is the role of the Commission to propose an alternative.
Next weekend, at the party congress of the Saxon SPD, I
will have five minutes to speak on a substantial reform of the European asylum
system along the lines of a previous blogpost. I had drafted a proposal on
this, which has now been submitted the party in the name of the working group “Migration
and Diversity” of the Saxon SPD. If the proposal is accepted, it will be
forwarded to the national party congress, where it will again have to be
presented. Wish me good luck that things are going to work out. If this all works
out as planned, it could really make a difference.
Harald Köpping
Collinson, S. (1996). Visa Requirements, Carrier Sanctions, 'Safe Third Countries' and 'Readmission': The Development of an Asylum Buffer Zone in Europe. Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers. 21 (1). 76-90.
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